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The Jesuit expulsion in 1767 has a large and well documented literature. In particular, much has been written about its political and economic causes and consequences. Vargas and Hanisch (Jesuit Fathers) give a substantial explanation about the cases of the Provinces of Peru and Chile. In this article, I build upon their works, but I revisit the large number of volumes belonging to the Jesuit archive -deposited at the Archivo Nacional de Chile (Chilean National Archive) to complement and provide an original analysis from both a collective and individual standpoint. This work is not an ecclesiastical history, but rather points to demographical, social and cultural contexts and facts, as well as reminds, although in an indirect way, about the evident damage that the Spanish Crown suffered because of the expulsion of men that belonged not only to a Religious Order, but were also members of important creoles families on which the loyalties of the system were based. ; La expulsión de los jesuitas, 1767, tiene una larga lista de unamuy bien documentada historiografía. Particularmente, mucho se haescrito sobre sus causas y consecuencias políticas y económicas. Vargas yHanisch (Padres Jesuitas) han explicado sustancialmente los casos de lasprovincias del Perú y Chile. En este artículo, soy deudor de sus trabajos,pero he revisitado el crecido número de volúmenes del Archivo Jesuita(Archivo Nacional de Chile) complementando y entregando un análisisdiferente tanto en términos colectivos como individuales. No se tratade una historia eclesiástica y subraya contextos y hechos demográficos,sociales y culturales, y en forma indirecta recuerda el marcado deteriorosufrido por la Corona española a causa de la expulsión de hombres queno solo pertenecían a una orden religiosa, sino también eran miembrosde importantes familias criollas en que estaban basadas las lealtades delsistema.

The Military, Civil and Sacred History of the Kingdom of Chile by the Chilean Jesuit Miguel de Olivares, written shortly before the Order's expulsion in 1767, contains many negative descriptions of the Araucanian communities. It was a Spanish phylum Creole and is reflected in its historical account. He frequently censors the Mapuche with accurate references to Greco-Roman mythology. It is an argument from authority that reflects a more baroque than enlightened mentality. ; La Historia militar, civil y sagrada del Reino de Chile del jesuita chileno Miguel de Olivares, redactada poco antes de la expulsión de la Orden en 1767, contiene muchas descripciones negativas de las comunidades araucanas. Era un criollo filo español y se refleja en su relato histórico. Censura con frecuencia lo mapuche con acertadas referencias a la mi-tología grecorromana. Es un argumento de autoridad que refleja una mentalidad más barroca que ilustrada.

From 1580, the Jesuits introduced European sciences to China―an autarkic civilization whose intelligentsia was dominated by Confucian literati. Drawing upon prefectural distributions of the Jesuits and Chinese scientific works, this paper demonstrates that the Jesuits stimulated Confucian literati to study science. On average, the literati's scientific works increased four times in prefectures with Jesuit scientists after 1580. But this effect shrank after the Jesuits were expelled by the emperor of China in 1723. Since China's scholar-official system remained unchanged, the literati's scientific research aimed to serve the needs of statecraft rather than translating into economic progress.

This article focuses on the life and thought of F. Hernando de Morales, SJ. Morales was a brilliant Jesuit who lost his vocation when he realized to be incapable to obey to his superiors. During the reign of Philip IV he was a political friend of the Count Duke of Olivares and defended the royal policy. Because of that in 1631 he was expelled from the Society of Jesus. ; Este artículo estudia la vida y el pensamiento del P. Hernando de Morales, SI. Morales fue un brillante jesuita que perdió su vocación cuando comprendió que no podía soportar la obediencia a sus superiores. Durante el reinado de Felipe IV, fue un amigo político del conde duque de Olivares y defendió la política real. A causa de esto, fue expulsado de la Compañía de Jesús en 1631.

During the first half of the nineteenth century, the post-revolutionary state deployment in rural areas of Buenos Aires implied different political and institutional changes relating to the exercise of property rights. Several studies associate the conflict arising from the process of privatization of land with measures to ensure full ownership and absolute and the roots of a set of values and ideas that supported the defense and reproduction of the rural sectors. From this standpoint, we have analyzed the customs regulating access to rural resources noting the critical importance in shaping the Jesuit tradition. This paper brings the contributions of this research to study the new rules of public land control driven by successive locals governments regarding the properties belonging to former Jesuit and the responses of the various stakeholders involved. ; Durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX, el despliegue del Estado postrevolucionario en el ámbito rural de Buenos Aires implicó diversos cambios políticos-institucionales vinculados al ejercicio de los derechos de propiedad. Distintos estudios asocian la conflictividad derivada del proceso de privatización de la tierra con las medidas orientadas a garantizar derechos de propiedad plenos y absolutos y con el arraigo de una serie de valores y concepciones que sustentaban la defensa y reproducción de los sectores campesinos. Desde esta última perspectiva se han analizado las costumbres que regulaban el acceso a los recursos rurales señalando la importancia decisiva en su conformación de la tradición jesuítica. El presente trabajo recupera los aportes de estas investigaciones para estudiar las nuevas normas de control de la tierra pública impulsadas por los sucesivos gobiernos porteños en relación a las propiedades de antigua pertenencia jesuita y las respuestas de los diversos actores sociales involucrados. ; Fil: Ciliberto, Maria Valeria. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata. Facultad de Humanidades; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Diego León de Villafañe (1741-1830) was the only non-secularized Jesuit who returned to the lands of the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata after the decrees of Godoy of 1797 and 1798. After his return he settled in the city of Tucumán where he was born; from there he stablished -throughout the thirty years between his return from exile and his death- numerous relations with members of the political, economic and religious elites of the region. However, this figure has been mostly negleted by the argentinian historiography. The objective of this work is to present a brief manuscript work -one of the few that remain of its authorship- written by Diego León de Villafañe preserved in the Archivo General de la Nación of Argentina on the problematic of the translation of the Bible to the "vulgar" languages. In his work Villafañe criticizes the appearance of numerous translations of the Christian holy book into Castilian. We will try to insert this work not only within the general theological context of anti-Jansenistic thought in Europe, but also within the religious debates that took place in the Rio de la Plata between the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century. ; Diego León de Villafañe (1741-1830) fue el único jesuita -no secularizado- que regresó a las tierras del Virreinato del Rio de la Plata luego de los decretos de Godoy de 1797 y 1798. Luego de su regreso se estableció en la ciudad de Tucumán de donde era originario; desde allí se relacionó a lo largo de los treinta años que se dieron entre su vuelta del exilio y su muerte con numerosos miembros de las élites políticas, económicas y religiosas de la región. Sin embargo, esta figura ha sido poco estudiada -en comparación con otros jesuitas de la provincia del Paraguay- por la historiografía argentina. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar una breve obra manuscrita -una de las pocas que se conservan de su autoría- escrita por Diego León de Villafañe que se conserva en el Archivo General de la Nación de Argentina sobre la problemática de la traducción de la Biblia a las lenguas "vulgares". En la misma, Villafañe critica la aparición de numerosas traducciones del libro sagrado cristiano al castellano. Buscaremos insertar este trabajo no solo dentro del contexto general teológico del antijansenismo europeo, sino también dentro de los debates religiosos que se dieron en el Rio de la Plata entre finales del siglo XVIII y comienzos del siglo XIX.

Diego León de Villafañe (1741-1830) was the only non-secularized Jesuit who returned to the lands of the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata after the decrees of Godoy of 1797 and 1798. After his return he settled in the city of Tucumán where he was born; from there he stablished -throughout the thirty years between his return from exile and his death- numerous relations with members of the political, economic and religious elites of the region. However, this figure has been mostly negleted by the argentinian historiography. The objective of this work is to present a brief manuscript work -one of the few that remain of its authorship- written by Diego León de Villafañe preserved in the Archivo General de la Nación of Argentina on the problematic of the translation of the Bible to the "vulgar" languages. In his work Villafañe criticizes the appearance of numerous translations of the Christian holy book into Castilian. We will try to insert this work not only within the general theological context of anti-Jansenistic thought in Europe, but also within the religious debates that took place in the Rio de la Plata between the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century. ; Diego León de Villafañe (1741-1830) fue el único jesuita -no secularizado- que regresó a las tierras del Virreinato del Rio de la Plata luego de los decretos de Godoy de 1797 y 1798. Luego de su regreso se estableció en la ciudad de Tucumán de donde era originario; desde allí se relacionó a lo largo de los treinta años que se dieron entre su vuelta del exilio y su muerte con numerosos miembros de las élites políticas, económicas y religiosas de la región. Sin embargo, esta figura ha sido poco estudiada -en comparación con otros jesuitas de la provincia del Paraguay- por la historiografía argentina. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar una breve obra manuscrita -una de las pocas que se conservan de su autoría- escrita por Diego León de Villafañe que se conserva en el Archivo General de la Nación de Argentina sobre la problemática de la traducción de la Biblia a las lenguas "vulgares". En la misma, Villafañe critica la aparición de numerosas traducciones del libro sagrado cristiano al castellano. Buscaremos insertar este trabajo no solo dentro del contexto general teológico del antijansenismo europeo, sino también dentro de los debates religiosos que se dieron en el Rio de la Plata entre finales del siglo XVIII y comienzos del siglo XIX.

En 1767 la Compañía de Jesús, a la que el gobierno de Carlos III responsabiliza del motín de Esquiladle, es expulsada de los Reinos españoles. Una de las primeras consecuencia de tal medida es la desarticulación de los 188 colegios de jesuítas repartidos entre la metrópoli y sus colonias, así como la confiscación de sus bienes. En el presente trabajo se presenta una parte del expediente de incautación de las temporalidades del colegio de San Luis Gonzaga de Motril, la dedicada al inventario de los libros que pertenecían a cada uno de los cinco padres que vivían y trabajaban en él. El colegio, además de la enseñanza, tenía la importante misión de subsanar las carencias de asistencia religiosa frecuentes en muchas zonas rurales durante el Antiguo Régimen. ; In 1767 the Society of Jesus, blamed of the insurrection against Esquilache by the government of Charles III, is expelled of Spanish Kingdoms. The first consequence is the end of the 188 je suits' colleges in metropolis and colonies, and the confiscation of their possessions. In this work is presented a part of the judicial proceedings of the attachment of properties of San Luis Gonzaga's college, Motril. It includes a catalogue of books. This school, further than its work in education, had the important mission of mend religious needs in the zone.

Artículo de la sección: Documentos ; En 1767 la Compañía de Jesús, a la que el gobierno de Carlos III responsabiliza del motín de Esquiladle, es expulsada de los Reinos españoles. Una de las primeras consecuencia de tal medida es la desarticulación de los 188 colegios de jesuítas repartidos entre la metrópoli y sus colonias, así como la confiscación de sus bienes. En el presente trabajo se presenta una parte del expediente de incautación de las temporalidades del colegio de San Luis Gonzaga de Motril, la dedicada al inventario de los libros que pertenecían a cada uno de los cinco padres que vivían y trabajaban en él. El colegio, además de la enseñanza, tenía la importante misión de subsanar las carencias de asistencia religiosa frecuentes en muchas zonas rurales durante el Antiguo Régimen. ; In 1767 the Society of Jesus, blamed of the insurrection against Esquilache by the government of Charles III, is expelled of Spanish Kingdoms. The first consequence is the end of the 188 je suits' colleges in metropolis and colonies, and the confiscation of their possessions. In this work is presented a part of the judicial proceedings of the attachment of properties of San Luis Gonzaga's college, Motril. It includes a catalogue of books. This school, further than its work in education, had the important mission of mend religious needs in the zone. ; Departamento de Historia Moderna y de América, Universidad de Granada.

Expelled from Spain in 1779, the Jesuit Juan Andrés moved to Parma in Italy, and published a seven-volume history of nothing less than the literatures of the whole world – 'Of the Origins and Progress of all Literatures'. Andrés attempted to found literary historiography as a critical method opposed to the Francocentrism of classicist aesthetics. If French classicism had labeled southern literatures (Spanish and Italian) as unreasonable and unworthy of entering modern Europe's republic of letters, historicism was the conviction that every civilization and every period has its own possibilities of aesthetic perfection. In so doing, Andrés was pitting a method of critical historiography against Montesquieu's and the philosophers' own philosophy of history.

In this paper, we analyze the cultural basis of some legal measures taken by the crown focusing on the construction of hegemonic images of the State, articulated to the ones of the native population. In 1768 the Jesuits were expelled from the guaraní towns of the «Jesuit Province of Paraguay». For over 150 years these Reducciones were coherent with an indigenous segregation policy promoted by the Indian legislation. The new government applied a series of measures reinforcing the state´s images breaking the previous segregation paradigm and definining a political tendency for the assimilation of the native population in colonial the society. ; En este trabajo analizamos el trasfondo cultural de algunas medidas legales tomadas por la Corona, focalizando su carácter de constructoras de imágenes hegemónicas del Estado articuladas con las de las poblacionales nativas. En 1768 fueron expulsados los jesuitas de los pueblos guaraníes de la «Provincia Jesuítica del Paraguay». Por más de 150 años estas reducciones habían respondido a una política indigenista de segregación, coherente con las directivas de la legislación indiana. El nuevo gobierno implemento una serie de medidas tendientes a reforzar la imagen del Estado, rompiendo con el paradigma segregacionista anterior y definiendo una tendencia a la asimilación de las poblaciones nativas en la sociedad colonial.

La Compañía de Jesús no fue una protagonista monolítica de la modernidad disciplinante sino un prisma de muchas caras, reflejo de la complejidad del paradigma tridentino. Uno de esos prismas tiene relación con el disentimiento interno y su gestión a lo largo de los ss. XVI y XVII, en una institución que hizo de la obediencia piedra clave de su edificio. Se aborda en el artículo la normativa de la Compañía sobre la disidencia y la dimisión, las atribuciones otorgadas por los Papas a los Generales respecto a los jesuitas rebeldes y las actitudes hacia los salidos cuajadas en los textos de la Compañía (Bobadilla, Ribadeneira, Andrade). Se subraya que, frente a estas narrativas de retribución, la Compañía moduló la norma, negoció la obediencia, atendiendo a criterios de escándalo y reputación. En esta clave, se aborda el caso del jesuita Francisco Abreo y sus tácticas para lograr una situación ventajosa a cambio de su silencio, apelando a la Inquisición española como recurso. El resentimiento de algunos exjesuitas les llevó a escribir textos como el Mónita secreta que, a finales del siglo XVII, no sólo alimentaba el antijesuitismo sino también la posibilidad de un cambio de gobierno de la Monarquía española ; The Society of Jesus was not a monolithic character of disciplining modernity but a prism of many sides, reflecting the complexity of the Triden-tine paradigm. One of these prisms is related to internal dissent and its management along XVIth and XVIIth, in an institution that made obedience the keystone of its building. The rules of the Company about the dissent and the expulsion, the privileges granted by the Popes to the Ge-nerals regarding the rebel Jesuits and the attitudes towards the expelled in the texts of the Company (Bobadilla, Ribadeneira, Andrade) are approached in this article. It is emphasized that, in front of these narratives of remuneration, the Company modulated the rule, negotiated obedience, according to criteria of scandal and reputation. In this key of interpretation, the autor studies the case of the Jesuit Francisco Abreo and his tac-tics to achieve an advantageous situation in exchange for his silence, appealing to the Spanish Inquisition as a resource. The bitterness of some exjesuits led them to write texts like Mónita secreta that not only fed the antijesuitism but also the possibility of a change of government in the Spanish Monarchy at the late seventeenth century

Santa Ana fue levantada por los padres Ignacio Martínez y Cristóbal Mendoza en el año 1633, en la Sierra del Tape, sobre el río Yacuy. Huyendo de las bandeiras, fue trasladada cerca del Peyui, sobre la cuenca del Paraná misionero. Finalmente, en 1660, llega al lugar definitivo, al emplazamiento donde se encuentran actualmente sus ruinas. Un siglo después (1768) tenía 4.497 habitantes indígenas Su iglesia fue terminada por el arquitecto jesuita José Brasanelli en 1705. Dado que la Misión de Santa Ana es una expresión tardía de la obra jesuítica en el Paraguay, a la luz de los acontecimientos que terminaron con la expulsión de la Orden y la decadencia de estos establecimientos, se puede considerar como la forma final de un sistema social: reducción de indios caracterizada por el dominio territorial, la grandeza y complejidad de las construcciones y la estabilidad económica. En la estructura de la Misión, las viviendas de indios no fueron sino moléculas de una vida social planificada, prematura y premonitoria de una ingeniería social que fracasó en la política latinoamericana. Las mujeres huérfanas, viudas y adúlteras salidas de esas viviendas por una razón desgraciada, iban a vivir al Coti Guazú, un reducto exclusivamente femenino, cerrado y construido junto al cementerio y al bloque arquitectónico de la Iglesia y el Claustro. Mi trabajo expone una cuestión interesante: la arqueología de ese espacio íntimo, doméstico y singular. ; Santa Ana was founded by Ignacio Martínez and Cristóbal Mendoza in 1633, in the Sierra del Tape, on the Yacuy River. Fleeing the bandeiras, it was moved near the Peyui, on the Paraná Basin. Finally, in 1660, it reaches its final location, the site where the ruins are now. A century later (1768), it had 4,497 indigenous inhabitants. Its church was completed by the Jesuit architect José Brasanelli in 1705. Since Mission Santa Ana is a late expression of Jesuit work in Paraguay, in the light of events that ended with the expulsion of the Order and the decay of these establishments, it can be considered as the final form of a social system: an Indians´ reduction that was characterized by territorial control, the grandeur and complexity of the architecture, and economic stability. In the structure of the Mission, Indians dwellings were molecules of a planned, premature and foreboding of a failed social engineering in Latin American politics of social life. Orphaned, widowed and adulteresses women who were expelled from these dwelling for unfortunate reasons, would move to live in the Coti Guazú, an exclusively enclosed female house, built next to the cemetery and church. My work addresses an interesting question: the archeology of that intimate, domestic and singular space. ; Fil: Rocchietti, Ana María. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Humanidades y Artes. Centro de Estudios de Arqueología Histórica; Argentina.

This paper aims at exploring the purposes of the concept of banishment in Shakespeare`s plays, its role and its outcome. Although Shakespeare used the notion of banishment in 14 outof 38 plays, this paper will focus only on the plays that feature the so-called banishment by degree which is present in 12 plays. The notion of banishment can be traced back to at leastancient Athens. It was also a widespread practice to ban citizens or indeed, entire regions, in the Roman Empire. In England banishment was used by Elizabeth I and her successor JamesI. Among other classes, Elizabeth I banished Egyptians, Jesuits, beggars, Negroes and rebels. James I expelled the recusants from the city of London. Since Shakespeare lived in this peri-od, he was probably acquainted with this practice. In Shakespeare the notion of banishment serves a dramatic purpose, as Shakespeare used it to explore political, psychological and so-cial aspects of the involved characters and societies. The outcome of the banishment is usually either death or self-fulfillment or in few cases is left unresolved. In several plays banishmentis followed by an act of revenge.

European nations were not the only ones to follow with interest, if not passion, the events of the then Spanish Second Revolution and the (official and informal) press of the Republic of Haiti informed its readers as regularly as possible of developments in the Iberian Peninsula between 1820 and 1823. Although initially she wouldn't show the greatest neutrality between the forces in question, she left her sympathy for liberals who had abolished the Inquisition and hunted the Jesuit. However, when the Cent Mille Fils of Saint Louis crossed Bidassoa, despite the indifference of some of her compatriots, she clearly took a position in favour of the constitution, fearing that, if successful, France, which had still not recognised the independence of the island, would rotate its arms against it. ; International audience European nations were not the only ones to follow with interest - or even passion - the events of what was then called the Second Spanish Revolution, and the press (both official and unofficial) of the Republic of Haiti informed its readers as regularly as it could on the evolution of the situation in the Iberian Peninsula between 1820 and 1823. Although, at first, it cared about being perfectly neutral between the opposing sides, its sympathy for the Liberals who had ended the inquisition and expelled the Jesuits could be perceived. But when the Hundred Thousand Sons of Saint Louis crossed the Bidassoa, despite indifference of some of its fellow countrymen, it clearly took sides in favour of the Constitutionalists, fearing that, in case of success, France, which had not yet recognised the island's independence, would turn its weapons against it. ; European nations were not the only ones to follow with interest, if not passion, the events of the then Spanish Second Revolution and the (official and informal) press of the Republic of Haiti informed its readers as regularly as possible of developments in the Iberian Peninsula between 1820 and 1823. Although initially she wouldn't show the greatest ...